THE CATHOLIC APPROACH TO BIBLICAL STUDIES Outline of series Session 1: History of biblical studies in the Catholic Church, including Divino Afflante Spiritu and "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church." Illustration of historical-critical approach from the Old Testament (Exodus 14: the crossing of the Reed Sea, as an example of source criticism; and Exodus 20, the Ten Commandments, as an example of moral development). Session 2: The formation and nature of the gospel tradition as an example of Christian composition. Research into the historical Jesus as an anchor of Christian theology. Session 3: The infancy narratives in the gospel according to Luke as an example of theological reflection on the redemptive work of Jesus. Session 4: The infancy narratives in the gospel according to Matthew as an example of Christian Old Testament interpretation. Session 1 History Scripture scholarship has a long tradition in the Church. Early Greek and Latin Fathers like Origen and Jerome tried to establish the accuracy of the text and to reconcile conflicting passages. John Chrysostom in the East and Augustine and Ambrose in the West combined spiritual insight with systematic study of biblical texts in their extensive homilies and commentaries. In the Middle Ages, Hugh of St. Victor and Thomas Aquinas developed a sound methodology for the use of Scripture. The first modern critical studies of the Bible began during the Renaissance, and by the time of the Reformation, there were scholarly commentaries by both Catholics and Protestants on almost every book of the Bible. From then on the lead was taken by Protestant scholars. Source criticism developed toward the end of the 18th century, followed by form criticism, redaction and composition criticism, and various other types of literary analysis. But in 1943, Pope Pius XII issued his encyclical, Divino Afflante Spiritu, which for the first time allowed and encouraged Catholic Scripture scholars to bring all the tools of language, history, archaeology, and literary criticism to bear upon the texts of the Bible, and strongly insisted on the study of literary forms in the Bible as the key to the interpretation of it. In 1964 the "Instruction on the Historical Truth of the Gospels" specifically espoused explicitly the form-critical and redaction-critical methods of interpretation and spoke of three distinct stages in the development of the gospel tradition: what Jesus did and said, what his followers said about him, and what the evangelists wrote. In 1965, the Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation of Vatican II formally adopted this method of interpretation. In 1993, the Pontifical Biblical Commission, consisting of 19 Catholic Scripture scholars, was asked to prepare a statement on the interpretation of biblical texts on the 100th anniversary of Leo XIII's encyclical Providentissimus Deus and the 50th anniversary of Pius XII's Divino Afflante Spiritu. After discussing the state of the question--namely, that readers today have to project themselves back 20 or 30 centuries to understand the words and deeds of which the Bible speaks, and that with the advances in knowledge in modern times it is impossible to return to a pre-critical level of interpretation--the commission first discusses various methods and approaches that have been used in understanding the Bible. Here it states clearly and emphatically (I. A.) that the historical-critical method is the indispensable method for the scientific study of the meaning of the Bible as of any ancient text. It presents a brief history of the development of the historical-critical method and the principles on which it is based, and then describes the various steps it uses: textual criticism, linguistic analysis, form criticism, tradition criticism, and redaction criticism. While affirming that the historical-critical method is the necessary first step to understanding the Bible, it grants that no scientific method is fully adequate to comprehend the biblical texts in all their richness. So it then examines (I. B.) other methods of literary analysis that have proved fruitful in recent times, including rhetorical, narrative, and semiotic (structural) analysis. It finds that these are insufficient because they consider each writing in the Bible in isolation, so it moves on to approaches based on tradition (I. C.), including the canonical approach, the approach through Jewish traditions of interpretation, and the approach by the history of the influence of the text, as well as approaches that use the human sciences of sociology, cultural anthropology, and psychology (I. D.) and approaches that grow out of modern political and other contexts, in particular the liberationist approach and the feminist approach (I. E.). Then it addresses the problem of fundamentalism and argues that a literalist interpretation that fails to take account of the historical origins and development of the Bible is wrong and positively dangerous, for it is attractive to people who look to the Bible for ready answers to the problems of life. It can deceive these people, offering them interpretations that are pious but illusory, instead of telling them that the Bible does not necessarily contain an immediate answer to each and every problem we face today. The commission goes so far as to say that fundamentalism is a kind of intellectual suicide; it injects into life a false certitude; it confuses the divine substance of the Bible with what in fact are its human limitations. The basic problem with fundamentalism, they point out, is that this refuses to take the historical character of biblical revelation into account; it refuses to admit that the inspired word of God has been expressed in human thought and language and not dictated by the holy Spirit; it pays no attention to literary forms; it claims inerrancy for historical events or supposedly scientific truth; it historicizes material that never claimed to be historical; it considers historical everything that is reported or recounted with verbs in the past tense, failing to take the necessary account of symbolic or figurative meaning. It certainly does not take into account the development of the Gospel tradition and how the New Testament took form within the Christian church; it confuses the final stage of this tradition (what the evangelists wrote) with the initial stage (the words and deeds of Jesus); it neglects the way the early Christians came to a progressive insight into the person and role of Jesus and thus misrepresents the very nature of the Gospel and separates the Bible from the ongoing tradition of the Christian community. This first section is the heart and soul of the document. Section II deals with hermeneutical questions arising from various philosophical systems (A) or exegetical practices (B), where it argues that while written texts are open to a plurality of meanings, the literal sense must always be the basis for any spiritual or allegorical interpretation. Section III discusses the characteristics of Catholic interpretation, (A) that the Bible itself often presents later interpretations of earlier texts, especially the NT understanding the OT in light of their experience of the Christ event; and (B) the historical formation of the biblical canon, the exegesis of the church fathers, and the roles of various members of the church today in the interpretation of the Scriptures, spelling out in detail (C) the responsibilities of the professional biblical scholar in research, teaching, and publication. Then it discusses (D) the relationship of biblical studies with other theological disciplines, including systematic and moral theology. Finally, Section IV discusses the use of the Bible in the life of the church, advocating actualization and inculturation within the living tradition of the community of faith through liturgy, lectio divina, pastoral ministry, and ecumenism. All of our biblical scholarship must be directed to bringing out the life- giving value of the Bible for communities of believers today. Introductory Bibliography INTRODUCTIONS Bernhard W. Anderson. Understanding the Old Testament. 4th ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1986. Howard Clark Kee, Franklin W. Young, Karlfried Froehlich. Understanding the New Testament. 3rd ed. Ibid., 1973. Joseph Jensen, O.S.B. God's Word to Israel. Rev. ed. Wilmington, DE: Glazier, 1982. Bart D. Ehrman. The New Testament: A Historical Introduction to the Early Christian Writings. 2nd ed., New York: Oxford, 2000. Joseph A. Fitzmyer, S.J. A Christological Catechism: New Testament Answers. Rev. ed. New York/Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1991. TRANSLATIONS New American Bible New Revised Standard Version New International Version COMMENTARIES Anchor Bible. 40+ vols. New York: Doubleday, 1964-. The New Jerome Biblical Commentary, ed. R. E. Brown, J. A. Fitzmyer, R. E. Murphy. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1990. Peake's Commentary on the Bible, ed. M. Black, H. H. Rowley. London: Nelson, 1965. The Interpreter's One-Volume Commentary on the Bible. Ibid., 197l. A New Catholic Commentary on Holy Scripture, ed. R. C. Fuller, L. Johnston, C. Kearns. London: Nelson, 1969. DICTIONARIES The Oxford Companion to the Bible, ed. Bruce M. Metzger & Michael D. Coogan. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 1993. Dictionary of the Bible, ed. John L. McKenzie, S.J. Milwaukee: Bruce, 1965. Value of the historical-critical approach The historical-critical approach has proved to have at least the following distinct advantages: (1) it is a liberating experience, (2) it purifies our faith, and (3) it should enhance our spiritual life. It is a liberating experience Living a good Christian life is hard enough without saddling ourselves with a lot of excess baggage. There has been an explosion of knowledge and the development of a scientific method and a historical consciousness over the last couple of centuries. By applying a historical-critical analysis to the biblical narrative, we are being intellectually honest and will be better able to integrate our understanding of Christian faith with our knowledge in other areas. How do we do this? First, we have to learn what literary forms or genres are used in the Bible. The Bible is like a library. If we wander into the fiction section when we're looking for history, we're going to be very misled. This is similar to what creationists do with the great foundational stories of Genesis, taking as a scientific theory competing with that of evolution what is myth meant to give voice to the deep issues of the human condition. This is what fundamentalists, inside and outside the Catholic church, do with the New Testament when they cavalierly say "Jesus said this" or "Jesus did this" when the sayings or stories in question derive from an early Christian community expressing its understanding of the Christ event and advocating its interpretation. Once we see how these stories developed and what they meant in their original historical and cultural context, then we begin to have the liberating experience promised to a Christian believer by the author of the Fourth Gospel, "You will come to know the truth, and the truth will set you free." Free from what? From misinterpretations of the Bible that have been rampant throughout the Christian centuries, none of which have ever been the official teaching of the Church, but many of which have spread far and wide in popular piety. These include distorted beliefs in everything from the time of the second coming to the nature of the afterlife and include especially moral questions. For instance, the OT concept of a holy war with its strange combination of brutality and piety inspired Augustine's just war theory and led to the Crusades and other wars now often considered antithetical to the authentic Christian message. Other famous historical misunderstandings based on the Bible are the anti-Semitism of the Christian church that resulted in the segregation, demonization, and persecution of Jews throughout the centuries. This of course reached its ultimate horror in the Holocaust during World War II. The Christian treatment of Muslims, from the 12th century Crusades to driving the Moors out of Spain, has not been much better. And then there is the history of slavery practiced by Christians, often justified again by appeal to the Bible. Even religious orders like my beloved Society of Jesus apparently justified their practice of owning slaves. A current problem for us is sexism. In the ancient Near East, women had few rights. They were basically property owned by men. When the Bible is viewed in its historically patriarchal context, one is better able to distinguish between what is an integral aspect of our tradition and what is culturally conditioned. It purifies our faith What are we supposed to believe today? By constantly going back to the Bible, we can learn to separate the most essential elements of Christian faith from accretions that may have developed over the centuries. Not that we can base our faith on what we are able to know about the historical Jesus, for that is comparatively little. But in the New Testament we have the earliest and most authentic inspired records of the Christian tradition. By returning ad fontes, we can come to a new and deeper understanding of our faith. We may now look upon Jesus with a new vision, enriched and cleansed by history, and with a new sense of being able to relate to him in faith. We can come to appreciate the Christ of the gospels in a more profound way perhaps than the Christ of catechism formulae, the Christ of theology, the Christ of art, or the Christ of popular devotion. Modern Catholic biblical scholarship has established that the gospels are not eyewitness reports or impartial unbiased historical sources. They are not, strictly speaking, accurate records of the words and deeds of Jesus, but rather confessional documents that grew up in liturgical contexts in various Christian communities. They are marvelous testimonials to the belief of second- and third- generation Christian communities. They present interpretations and impressions of Jesus. And they do preserve historical tradition. Even though they do not provide us with secure knowledge about the precise words and deeds of Jesus, they give us pictures of Jesus interpreted by the living faith of the early church. The gospels are an inspired record of the faith of the early church concerning its Lord. We can capture in substance the impression made by Jesus on those who were with him. The image of Jesus is striking and original. The teaching of Jesus is consistent and comes across loud and clear. The gospels call us to follow him. They accost us, challenge us, invite us to make an all-or-nothing commitment. It should enhance our spiritual life By using a historical-critical approach to biblical studies, we can actually enhance our prayer life. There is a danger at first that one will tend to demythologize the Bible so much intellectually that one loses much of its richness and meaning in meditation and prayer. But if you stick with it, you soon reach a post-critical stage in which, for instance in contemplating the gospels, you realize that these are pictures of Jesus, impressions of Jesus. You realize that their emphasis is not on the actual words and deeds of Jesus but on their meaning, namely, the value of his life, suffering, death, and resurrection for us. They proclaim Jesus as Lord and Savior in the language and spirit of the early church. And so they call us to experience this Christ in faith in our own language and spirit. Obviously, not everyone has to be a Scripture scholar to get the most out of the Bible. Christians throughout the ages have found much meaning and inspiration through loving contemplation of stories without any scientific knowledge of their origin and nature. But the more one knows about the Bible, the more one can appreciate God's plan of salvation and especially the person of Jesus. Perhaps because the gospels are pictures of Jesus, they portray his character more vividly than dry historical records, just like a good portrait often captures a person's character in a way that a photograph does not. Illustration from the Old Testament Some of our favorite stories are found in the first eleven chapters of the book of Genesis. Analysis of literary sources through style and language enables us to see, for instance, that the stories of the creation of the world in seven days in chapter one and of the creation of man and woman in the garden in chapter two come from separate traditions, written down about five centuries apart. The stories themselves reflect different interests. The story in chapter one, from the Priestly tradition, that reached its final form during or after the Babylonian exile, presents the example of God creating for six days and resting on the seventh as reason to observe the Sabbath. The story in chapter two, from a much more ancient tradition that is called the Yahwist tradition because it uses the personal name of Israel's god right from the very beginning, attempts to explain the origin of evil. The god of the Hebrews was Yahweh alone, and he was good. So how could they explain the presence of evil in the world? They blamed it on human beings. So what we have in this story is a parable of human origins. In the beginning man, woman, sex, and nature are all good; then comes an assertion of independence, followed in chapter three by curses appropriate to each participant: the man in his work, the woman in childbearing, the serpent (symbol of Canaanite worship) in subjection to Israel. In usual oriental storytelling fashion, many other questions are answered by this story: why there is attraction between the sexes; why a snake crawls on its belly; why humans have an aversion for snakes; why there is pain in childbirth; why there is often frustration in work; why we wear clothes; and why we die. At another level, the story is a polemic against the role of woman in ancient Near eastern society, downgraded as a person, but deified in her sexual aspects, especially in the fertility rites of the Canaanites among whom the Hebrews were settling at the time of the composition of the story. The next eight chapters of Genesis continue to describe the turning away from God and consequent alienation within the human community that will only be reversed with the call of Abraham in chapter twelve and the formation of a new community, which will develop into God's chosen people. Alienation within the human community is symbolized by the story of Cain and Abel in chapter four. In an earlier form, this story expressed the animosity between the nomadic shepherds (the Hebrews) and the sedentary farmers (the Canaanites) among whom they settled. The author's interest is to show that civilization and culture are always accompanied by violence, greed, and lust. Cain built the first city; his descendants included Jubal, the father of musicians, and Tubal-cain, a forger of metals. The penalties for Cain's sin were alienation from the earth, expulsion from God's immediate presence, and further estrangement, violence, and fear among all people. This is followed by the story of the near-universal destruction of the human race at the time of Noah and the flood. It portrays God's judgment in the affairs of history mixed with concern for our future. It owes much to similar Babylonian myths. Many peoples had a myth of the near-universal destruction of the human race; this myth took different forms according to differing geographical and climatic conditions. For instance, in Egypt, where the Nile used to overflow its banks gently each year and irrigate the parched earth along its banks, assuring fertility for farmers, a flood could never be thought of as anything but beneficent; there the destruction was accomplished by the hand of a Destroying Angel (mentioned in Exod 12:23). In other lands where there was a lot of volcanic activity, the myth took the form of fire and brimstone. But Mesopotamia was subject to periodic devastating floods of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, and so their myth of the universal destruction of the human race took the form of a deluge. This is reflected in the Mesopotamian Gilgamesh epic as well as in the Old Testament. No sooner does Noah and his family survive the flood than he becomes a tiller of the soil. Notice again the antipathy of nomadic society to agriculture. As described in chapter nine of the book of Genesis, Noah plants a vineyard, the characteristic product of Canaanite agriculture. He makes wine, becomes drunk, and is involved in taboo sexual practices. Again we have a polemic against the depravity of Israel's enemy Canaan, here personified as a son of Noah and cursed into servitude to Shem. The whole story reflects the Hebrew antipathy to the role of wine and fertility rites in Canaanite culture and religion. The turning away from God is concluded in the story of the Tower of Babel in Genesis 11. This story attempts to explain the origin of different peoples and languages, the origin of the city of Babylon, its name, and the existence of an unfinished or fallen Babylonian tiered temple-tower called a ziggurat. But its main point is to emphasize the pride of human beings to build a culture of their own making without the benefit of God. This additional assertion of independence results in further alienation and division in the human race and the complete breakdown of communication, which is to be reversed in the call of Abraham in the following chapter and then ultimately, in the Christian view, with the coming of the Spirit upon the early Christian community in the form of tongues. The rest of the book of Genesis, consisting of stories and legends about the patriarchs, including Joseph in Egypt, reflects the historical circumstances of the migrations of the Amorites, tribes from the Arabian desert, first up into the fertile areas of Mesopotamia, then north as far as the Armenian mountains (the biblical Haran, the hometown of Abraham), then down through what is now Syria and Palestine. Various settlements sprang up along their route. Eventually, in times of famine, groups of these nomads, called collectively Habiru, or "Wanderers," went down to fertile Egypt in search of food. Foreign-dominated Egypt at this period had an open-door policy, and nomads were welcome to come and settle there, especially in the Delta region. But with the overthrow of the foreign Hyksos rulers in the middle of the sixteenth century B.C. and the accompanying rise of nationalist feeling, many of these foreign settlers were enslaved by the Egyptians and formed labor crews to build monuments and cities for Pharaoh and his people. This is the situation reflected in the opening chapters of the book of Exodus. The new king who arose in Egypt, who did not know Joseph, probably refers to Ahmose I, the first Pharaoh of the 18th Dynasty, and to his successors who enslaved the Hebrews. According to the story, the first king of the 19th Dynasty, Seti I, was especially harsh on the Hebrews, and legend has it that he ordered all male children to be exposed to death. Christian reflections on this story are found in Matthew's infancy narratives in the story of the massacre of the innocents; Christians saw in Jesus a new Moses, the founder of a new Israel. Jewish commentaries on the book of Exodus also have the birth of Moses and his role as deliverer of Israel announced to Pharaoh, the terror of the Egyptians when the prediction becomes known, the consultation of Pharaoh with his sages and the decree for the massacre, and finally the escape of Moses from the general slaughter. The story is richly embellished by popular legend, as Moses is placed in a wicker basket daubed with bitumen and pitch, just as Sargon I, the founder of the kingdom of Akkad, had been some ten centuries earlier. Moses is pictured as identifying himself with his people and taking action against every unjust aggressor. After killing an Egyptian taskmaster, Moses fled Egypt, defended the daughters of the high priest and king of a bedouin nation who were being harassed by marauding shepherds, and married into the family. One day, while communing with Yahweh on Mt. Sinai and reflecting on the plight of his fellow slaves in Egypt, Moses felt that Yahweh was calling him to help his people escape from slavery. The opportunity seemed to present itself with the death of Pharaoh Seti I. Before his successor, Ramsses II, could establish himself upon the throne, Moses returned to Egypt and through his spokesman, his brother Aaron, told his people about the very powerful god who would help them escape from slavery if they would go and worship him on his sacred mountain. And so, according to the story, a group of slaves did escape and went to this mountain and there made a covenant with Yahweh. The story of their escape from Egypt in chapters 5-15 of the book of Exodus is a drama that has stirred minds and hearts throughout the centuries. This is the confessional language of worship, a story told from generation to generation at Passover time, a story to be read and relished with religious empathy and imagination. First come the plagues of Egypt. The ancient Hebrews saw the hand of God in natural events of life--in the spring rains promising a good harvest, in the birth of a child insuring continuation of a name or family. So also in the natural events connected with the annual inundation of the Nile, which may have occurred at the time of the Exodus, the Hebrew people recognized the hand of God. They were signs of God's particular care for his own chosen people. As in the book of Genesis, we can distinguish various traditions underlying the description of these events. There are little giveaways that often tell which tradition is being followed. As mentioned above, the oldest tradition, written down probably during a literary awakening at the time of Solomon in the mid tenth century, always refers to God by the personal name Yahweh, and so is called the Yahwist tradition, whereas another tradition, written down some two centuries later and coming from the northern Kingdom, normally refers to him prior to the covenant at Sinai by the generic term for God, Elohim, and so is called the Elohist tradition. There are other clues, too. The Elohist tradition attempts to extol the role of Moses because it derives from the popular tradition of the old Tribal Confederacy which glorified the events of the Mosaic period, and raised Moses to the level of a special prophet; so that when the Yahwist tradition ascribes a phenomenon directly to Yahweh or to a natural cause, such as the east wind, the Elohist tradition has Moses raise his rod and command such and such to occur. The third tradition in the book of Exodus is the same Priestly tradition to which the first chapter of Genesis belonged. This tradition glorifies the person of Aaron, the founder of the priestly order; so that what is attributed to Moses in the Elohist tradition is usually attributed to Aaron in the Priestly. Each subsequent tradition also tends to embellish the phenomena. For example, let's take the first plague described in Exod 7:14-24. In the oldest tradition, Yahweh (which is translated "the LORD" with all four letters capitalized in almost all English Bibles) tells Moses to go to Pharaoh "in the morning" (another favorite expression in this tradition) and tell him, "Yahweh (or: the LORD) says, 'Let my people go, that they might serve me in the wilderness.... I will strike the water that is in the Nile and it shall be turned to blood, and the fish in the Nile shall die, and the Nile shall become foul, and the Egyptians will be loathe to drink water from the Nile.'" And so it happened. But in the Elohist tradition, found in inserts interwoven among passages from the other traditions, we find God telling Moses to "take in your hand the rod which was turned into a serpent," a magical element popular in this tradition, and tell Pharaoh, "I will strike the water that is in the Nile 'with the rod that is in my hand' and it shall be turned to blood." When we get to the Priestly tradition, first we have the role of Aaron as the chief actor: "And the LORD (i.e., Yahweh) said to Moses, 'Say to Aaron, "Take your rod and stretch out your hand over the waters of Egypt..."'" and secondly, a popular embellishment typical of this tradition--not only over the waters of the Nile, but "over their rivers, their canals, and their ponds, and all their pools of water that they may become blood; and there shall be blood throughout all the land of Egypt, both in vessels of wood and in vessels of stone." What had begun as a natural phenomenon. the darkening of the Nile with silt at the time of the annual inundation, became a miraculous act by which all the water in Egypt turned to blood! These same literary tendencies are found in the story of the crossing of the Reed Sea. (Red Sea, the old translation, goes back to an ancient Greek mistranslation of the Hebrew yam suph, which means a papyrus marsh.) Here in chapter 14 of Exodus, the basic Yahwist tradition pictures Moses telling the people that Yahweh would fight for them, and then the pillar of cloud (representing Yahweh) separated them from the pursuing Egyptians, and "Yahweh drove the sea back by a strong east wind all night, and made the sea dry land," that is, because of a prevailing east wind, the papyrus marsh dried up so that the Hebrews could pass through on foot, but when the Egyptian army followed in chariots, "Yahweh in the pillar of fire and of cloud looked down upon the army of the Egyptians, and discomfited the army of the Egyptians, clogging their chariot wheels so that they drove heavily; and the Egyptians said, 'Let us flee from before Israel; for Yahweh fights for them against the Egyptians.'" But the Elohist tradition attributes the drying up of the marsh not to the east wind but to Moses and his rod, "Lift up your rod, and stretch out your hand over the sea and divide it, that the people of Israel may go on dry ground through the sea." And instead of the pillar of fire and of cloud representing Yahweh, God of Israel, we have the "angel of God" separating them from the army of the Egyptians. And then Moses stretched out his hand over the sea again, and the sea returned to its normal flow. Already there is a major change as Moses becomes the chief actor. When we get to the Priestly tradition, we have the version familiar to us from the movie "The Ten Commandments" of Cecil B. DeMille, where the people of Israel go through the sea on dry ground, "the waters being a wall to them on their right hand and on their left," and "the waters returned and covered the chariots and the horsemen and all the host of Pharaoh that had followed them into the sea; not so much as one of them remained." What had begun as a celebration of Yahweh, God of Israel, helping his people escape across a papyrus marsh by sending a prevailing east wind that dried it up sufficiently for them to cross on foot while the Egyptians following in chariots got stuck in the mud became a glamorized story in which all the Egyptians perished in the sea, including the Pharaoh. What we have therefore is religious poetry, inspired and preserved in liturgical celebration, told and retold as Jews throughout the centuries relived the birth of their nation. The Exodus from Egypt is followed by the covenant at Sinai. Various signs occurred en route from Egypt to Sinai, among them the manna and the quail. Manna is something like honey, a sweet, sticky substance, the product of insects that feed upon tamarisk bushes. It may be found in the Sinai peninsula today. It lies like dew on the ground in the early morning, but evaporates when the sun comes out, forming granules like sugar. The story of the quail reflects the migratory habits of these birds. After long flights, they fall to the ground utterly exhausted, so in fact they lie there at one's feet ready to be picked up. These may be natural phenomena--but to an ancient people, wandering without food in the desert, the manna and the quail they stumbled upon were signs of God's special care and providence for them. When they arrived at Sinai, they made a covenant with Yahweh. They modeled this covenant upon contemporary political treaties, specifically, upon fifteenth-century Hittite suzerainty treaties between a vassal state and an overlord. Israel's covenant with Yahweh begins like all these treaties with an identification of the overlord, in this case, "I am Yahweh, your God." Then in the treaties follows a historical prologue, reciting the benefits conferred upon the subjugated state; here this runs, "... who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of slavery." Then in the treaties follow the stipulations or laws that the vassal state pledges to obey. In the Sinai covenant, the stipulations are the Ten Commandments. These are followed, as in the treaties, by a series of blessings and curses, and finally the treaty is inscribed on stone tablets and copies are deposited into the archives of the contracting parties. Breaking the tablets, as Moses did when he came down from the mountain and saw the people of Israel worshiping a golden calf, was a sign of abrogation of the treaty or covenant. What was the original meaning of the Ten Commandments that are found in chapter 20 of the book of Exodus? A more basic question, perhaps, is: Why are there ten? I think it's a mnemonic device. We have ten fingers. And as we have five fingers on each hand, so also the commandments are divided into two sets. The first five (following the Hebrew enumeration, which is preserved in Protestant Bibles) deal with relations between an inferior and a superior being, that is, a human being and Yahweh. The second set deal with relations between equals, that is, between two human beings. And in each set, the commandments go in descending order from the most important to the least. Let's take the first hand. The first commandment is, literally, "Don't prefer any other god to me." This means that at the time of composition of these Ten Commandments, which could very well be the thirteenth century B.C., the Hebrews were not yet monotheists; they did not deny the existence of other gods, but they had made a choice, based upon their Exodus experience: for them there would be only one God, Yahweh, whom they would serve. The second commandment is originally, "Don't make any graven image of me; in later versions, it is expanded to refer to constructing idols, but in the original it refers to Yahweh. It signifies that the Israelites already at this time had such a spiritualized conception of Yahweh that they felt that he could not be adequately represented by any statue. But they had to have some sacred symbol of Yahweh, and so they had the third commandment, "Don't pronounce my name." This commandment not to "Take the name of the Lord your God in vain" was not primarily concerned with oaths or curses but meant that the personal name of their God was to be held so sacred that the people of Israel could never pronounce it, even in worship; and to the present day an orthodox Jew will substitute "Adonai," the Hebrew word for "Lord," or has-shem, "the name," whenever he comes upon the sacred name Yahweh in readings from the Bible in synagogue. This commandment also served to keep people from using the name Yahweh in magical formulae and thus seeming to manipulate him. The fourth commandment is "Keep the sabbath," that is, worship me at regular intervals. And the fifth commandment, also dealing with relations between an inferior and a superior being, is "Obey your parents," that is, those who stand in the place of God. The second set of commandments (the second hand) also go in descending order, and deal with relations between equals. The sixth commandment (in the traditional enumeration) is: "Don't kill." The worst thing you can do to another is to take his or her life. This is followed by the seventh, "Don't commit adultery." This has more to do with life than sex. The ancient Israelites did not come to believe in personal life after death until perhaps the time of the Maccabees ca. 165 B.C. Earlier, life after death was thought of as survival in the name and person of one's children; and this seventh commandment gave the man the right to know who his children were. The eighth commandment, usually translated, "Don't steal," really means "Don't kidnap." The next worst thing you could do to another was to sell him into slavery. The ninth commandment is, "Don't bear false witness," that is, don't perjure. It's very minimalistic. When you are called to testify in court, when the good name and perhaps the property of your neighbor is at stake, then you must tell the truth. And finally, the last commandment, "Don't covet (which meant "desire and take") your neighbor's house (which means property)," and then his property is enumerated: "wife, manservant, maidservant, ox, and ass."